Olufemi Popoola

Pre- and postharvest losses and their correlates in the millet value chain in Nigeria

Food losses continue to constrain food security, rural incomes, and agrifood system efficiency in sub-Saharan Africa, yet comprehensive micro-level evidence across entire value chains remains scarce. This study provides a detailed assessment of pre- and postharvest losses along the millet value chain in northwestern Nigeria, focusing on producers, aggregators, and processors in Sokoto and Zamfara states—two major millet-producing regions. Millet is a nutritionally rich and climate-resilient staple that plays a critical role in Nigeria, making loss reduction in this value chain particularly important for food system resilience. The analysis draws on a purposefully designed baseline survey conducted in 2024, covering 595 millet producers and downstream value chain actors. The study applies a novel attribute-based loss measurement methodology that captures both quantitative losses (physical grain loss) and qualitative losses (quality degradation and associated price penalties), allowing estimation of losses in both volume and value terms across multiple nodes of the value chain. In addition to descriptive loss accounting, econometric models are employed to identify factors correlated with the incidence/likelihood and intensity of preharvest and postharvest losses at the producer level. The results show that millet losses are widespread and concentrated at early stages of the value chain. Nearly all producers experience losses, with preharvest and on-farm postharvest stages accounting for the largest share. Total losses along the value chain average about 9 percent of total volume of production and 6 percent of total value of production. These estimates are comparable to the findings by the African Postharvest Losses Information System of approximately 9 percent millet losses in postharvest production activities in Nigeria. Producer-level losses dominate overall losses, although processors also incur substantial losses during storage, handling, and transportation. Spillage, pest infestation, moisture exposure, and inadequate handling practices are the most frequently reported causes of postharvest losses among downstream actors, although losses by aggregators are generally low. Loss patterns vary systematically across space and demographic groups. Producers in Zamfara experience significantly higher losses than those in Sokoto, with preharvest losses playing a more prominent role. Youth and male producers incur higher total losses than mature producers, while gender differences are also observed in the composition and timing of losses across production stages. These patterns underscore the importance of spatially targeted and demographically sensitive loss-reduction strategies. Econometric results highlight the central role of technology adoption, asset ownership, and management practices in loss reduction. Higher education levels, greater asset ownership, and larger farm size are associated with lower loss intensity, while preharvest shocks significantly exacerbate postharvest losses. The use of improved transportation, winnowing, and storage technologies substantially reduces postharvest loss intensity, whereas higher rainfall and temperature during postharvest periods increase losses. Overall, the study demonstrates that food losses in Nigeria’s millet value chain are systemic but largely preventable. Effective loss reduction requires integrated, value chain–oriented interventions that combine improved production and postharvest technologies, climate adaptation measures, infrastructure investment, and targeted support for youth and smallholders. By providing rigorous micro-level evidence across multiple value chain nodes, the study strengthens the empirical foundation for food loss reduction policies and agrifood system transformation in Nigeria.

Barriers and opportunities for youth in northern Nigeria’s agrifood value chains: Findings from qualitative research

In Africa, the population of youth ages 15–35 is expected to exceed 100 million by 2030, underscoring the need for the inclusion of youth in the design of programs and policies that promote sustainable livelihoods (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2017). Moreover, half of the youth population will be young women, emphasizing the need for gender-sensitive approaches. While many rural African youth are involved in various nodes of agricultural value chains (AVCs), far fewer—particularly young women—have access to dignified and fulfilling work. Many of the barriers that youth face in fully participating in the agricultural sector are reinforced by gender norms. Addressing the barriers to dignified and fulfilling work can help transform AVCs to be more inclusive of youth and ensure both young women and young men have access to improved livelihood opportunities. Considering the great potential of African youth for inclusive growth, in 2018, the Mastercard Foundation launched its Young Africa Works Strategy in nine countries, including Nigeria. The objective of the strategy is to increase access to dignified and fulfilling work opportunities for African youth, particularly young women (Mastercard Foundation, 2025b; Wallace, Lindsay, 2020). This report presents findings from a qualitative research study on the barriers and opportunities experienced by young women and young men who participate in key AVCs in northern Nigeria. This study is especially important given that many who reside in the region are somehow involved in agriculture and that youths’ livelihood experiences may be influenced by religious and gender norms, as well as the ongoing conflict. We investigate youth participation in key AVCs, their perceptions of dignified and fulfilling work, facilitators and constraints to their participation in AVCs, with an emphasis on gender norms, and their experiences with financial services. To investigate these topics, we conducted semi-structured interviews (SSIs) and sex-segregated focus group discussions (FGDs) with young women and young men. We also interviewed non-youth adults (those ages 35 and older), including value chain actors, financial service providers, and frontline program staff using key informant interviews (KIIs), and conducted community profiles (group interviews with community leaders) to gain a holistic perspective on the experiences of youth in AVCs. While our study emphasizes the opportunities and challenges faced by youth, it relies on perspectives from a diverse range of youth and non-youth adults to provide comprehensive insights into the context in which youth live and work. All participants were recruited by liaising with local community leaders, except for program staff, who were recruited with support from project partners, and financial service providers, who were recruited by field team members scouting banks in the study area. The qualitative methods used for this study do not allow for generalizable, population-level results; rather, they provide rich insights into the “how” and “why” behind various experiences, perspectives, and opinions underpinning youths’ livelihood opportunities. In other words, the findings presented in this report offer insights into the processes that underlie youths’ experiences with dignified and fulfilling work, particularly regarding their participation in AVCs. Unsurprisingly, young women and young men participate in processing and marketing in different ways, which is often reinforced by gender and religious norms. For instance, young women are discouraged from working outside the home and are largely confined to home-based processing, where they can be monitored and remain separated from unrelated men. Such concerns may limit the ability of young women to participate in AVCs in more public roles, such as selling goods in the town market. Moreover, young women’s family members, either her husband or parents, are often responsible for enforcing these norms. Women of all ages are responsible for housework and childcare, which limits them from pursuing income-generating activities. However, some young women are able to circumvent these restrictive norms. Non-Muslim women are not subject to the same religious gender norms, internally displaced young women are able to engage in a wider range of economic activities, some young women violate gender norms despite criticism, and others participate in AVC activities through others, such as by using hired labor. Young men may also participate in some aspects of processing, particularly when it involves mechanization, as using equipment is considered a man’s domain. As for marketing, young men predominantly sell raw agricultural products in bulk. Young women typically purchase raw goods from men and process them into various food products for home-based sale. Importantly, the findings presented in this report inform potential solutions to mitigate the constraints faced by youth participating in AVCs, including but not limited to the specific constraints imposed by gender norms. We discuss gender-transformative approaches, such as household and community dialogues, to challenge norms that restrict the ability of young women to pursue livelihood opportunities. We also highlight several promising approaches that can be paired with gender-transformative approaches. The development of systematized cottage industries may facilitate young women’s entrance into AVCs in a gender-responsive way (meaning in a way that works with existing gender norms). Stronger mentorship programs and financial services that are responsive to youth needs may also bolster young women’s and men’s participation in AVCs in northern Nigeria.

Innovation environment and entrepreneurial intentions among undergraduate students in Nigeria: The moderating role of entrepreneurial education